Do Kurds need political parties?

According to KurdPress, over the past century, Kurds have been more concerned with the issue of survival, preserving their identity, confronting oppression, defending their homeland and achieving political rights. In such circumstances, political parties have played an important role in organizing society, representing the demands of the people and advancing the goals of the Kurds.But today, with changing political and social conditions, a new question arises: Do Kurds still need the same kind of party politics of the past, or is it time for the relationship between citizens and political parties to change?

This question is especially important in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, where over the past few decades political institutions, parliaments, universities, airports, economic companies, and government structures have been formed, and Kurdish society has achieved achievements that previous generations might have found difficult to imagine.

Therefore, the question today is not simply which party should govern, but how Kurdish society can reach a stage where the lives, futures, and opportunities of citizens are less tied to their dependence on political parties.Indeed, perhaps one of the most important political ideas for the future of Kurdistan is that people will increasingly need parties to meet their basic needs.

Independent Economy, Independent Citizen

One of the structural problems of the Kurdistan Region is the historical link between politics, employment, and the economy. A large part of the region’s economy has been dependent on government employment and political and party networks for many years, and in some cases, access to jobs, economic contracts, or business opportunities has been linked to how close individuals are to the centers of political power. This situation is not just an economic problem; it is also directly related to the issue of democracy.

When a citizen needs a political party to find a job, get a loan, start a business, or enjoy an economic opportunity, his or her freedom of political choice is also affected.Someone whose livelihood depends on a political movement cannot make decisions completely independent of this dependence when voting or expressing their opinion.

For this reason, the economic independence of citizens can be considered part of their political freedom.

Imagine a society in which a graduate does not have to know which party holds a ministry in order to find a job; an entrepreneur does not need the support of a political official to start his company; and a young person with an idea for a business can obtain financing through a transparent and competitive banking system.

In such a situation, the role of parties will also change. The party will no longer be the main source of employment, income and opportunity, but will have to compete for the trust of citizens based on its program, performance and political vision.

The flag alone does not make the country

This transformation does not mean abandoning Kurdish identity.On the contrary, it can mean taking it more seriously. Nationalism and patriotism can become a constructive force when they are also reflected in the daily lives of people. A flag alone does not make a country. What gives a flag meaning is the society that lives under it.

A teacher who can teach without political interference is part of building a real Kurdistan. An entrepreneur who can compete with his or her competitors without party support is part of building a Kurdistan. A woman who has the protection of the law, a farmer who can earn a decent income from her work, a researcher who has access to laboratories and scientific resources, and a graduate who can find a job based on his or her ability are also part of building a Kurdistan.In this view, sovereignty does not just mean more control over the land; it means that people can have more control over their future.

A Kurdistan whose citizens do not have to seek a political patron to shape their future will be institutionally stronger than one whose opportunities are largely distributed through party lines.

Talents yet to be discovered

One of the most important questions about the future of Kurdistan is how many unknown talents there are in society that have not yet had the opportunity to flourish.

World heavyweight boxing champion Agit Kabayel was born in Germany to a Kurdish family from Pazardzhik, and Hero Mustafa, a Kurdish diplomat born in Erbil, grew up in the United States and became an ambassador to the country.

Their success is more than anything else the result of their own talent, effort, and perseverance.But their life stories also illustrate another important point: talent can be transformed into achievement when paired with the right education, effective institutions, and real opportunity.

The question is not whether talent exists at their level; it is how many of them have yet to be discovered.

Perhaps in Erbil, Dohuk, Sulaymaniyah, or Amed (Diyarbakir), there are young people who, given the right school, a quality university, a sound financial system, a sports infrastructure, and a competitive job market, could become world-class scientists, entrepreneurs, athletes, or artists.

The Kurdish diaspora has shown that talent is not the Kurds’ only asset. What is lacking is a network of institutions and opportunities that can identify and nurture this talent within Kurdistan.Let’s start at school

If the Kurdistan Region is to have world-class scientists, entrepreneurs, athletes, and writers in the future, this path must begin at school.

The results of the first assessment of the International Program for Student Assessment, known as “PISA,” conducted in the Kurdistan Region in 2025, have presented a worrying picture of the educational situation. According to the data presented in the report, only seven percent of 15-year-old students in the region have reached the basic level of proficiency in mathematics and reading, and this figure was 19 percent in science; while the average of the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in these three areas is 65, 69, and 74 percent, respectively.No nationalist slogan can replace quality education

If the Kurdistan Region wants to have successful scientists, doctors, engineers, athletes, and entrepreneurs in the future, it must create a chain of opportunities; a chain that begins with quality school and technical and vocational education, reaches the university and the labor market, and is then completed with access to financial resources, infrastructure, sustainable electricity, an independent judicial system, and transparent government contracts.

The goal of such a structure is not to simply produce a workforce; it is to create conditions where each individual can discover their talent and have the opportunity to transform it into an independent and successful life.

Of course, the free market alone cannot solve this problem. Without strong and legal institutions, political monopoly may turn into economic monopoly.Therefore, Kurdistan needs a state that can support economic competition, prevent the formation of monopolies, and protect the vulnerable, but at the same time does not allow any one party or political movement to dominate employment, the economy, and social opportunities.

Strong State, Independent Citizens

The main issue is not to create a weaker state; it is to build a more effective state that creates a more independent citizenry.

In such a model, the political party can still exist, but its role changes. The party should no longer be the gateway to jobs, the economy, education, and social opportunities. The party’s role should be to present a political program, represent social demands, and compete for the people’s votes.In a mature democracy, a citizen can vote for a party without worrying about losing his job; he can criticize the performance of the government without his economic future being tied to political relations; and he can not support a movement in elections without his access to public rights and opportunities being limited.

In such a situation, even the parties themselves will have to rely more than before on their actual performance and programs to maintain their position.

From the politics of survival to the politics of possibility

For much of the past century, Kurdish politics has inevitably dealt with the issue of survival; preserving identity, confronting oppression, defending the homeland, and striving for political rights.

These struggles have created the political climate of today.But perhaps the next stage of Kurdish politics requires a shift in the question: from “How to survive?” to “How to live better?”

The criteria for success will also change: the number of companies created without political support, the number of graduates who find decent jobs, women who start their own businesses, researchers who receive the resources they need for their research, athletes who receive professional training, and young people who do not have to leave their homeland to pursue their dreams.

From this perspective, the Kurdistan Region’s greatest asset is not just its oil and natural resources, but its human capital; the capital that exists in its schools, universities, neighborhoods, and Kurdish communities outside the region.

So the question “Do Kurds need political parties?” may not have a simple answer.Parties can still be part of the political and democratic structure of society, but the future of Kurdistan can move in a direction where citizens are less dependent on them to build their lives.

Perhaps one of the most important political ideas of the next generation of Kurds is this: building and empowering people are not two separate projects. The Kurdistan Region will be stronger when its citizens can discover their talents, build their future and have the opportunity to see how far they can go, without political affiliation.

Dr. Bemo Nouri, Research Fellow, University of London

Amarji Journal